The basic issue … is not whether some or many homosexuals can be found to be neurotically disturbed. This distinction between prevalences of mental disorders and classification in the DSM was apparent to Marmor (1980), who in an early discussion of the debate said, The answer, therefore, depends on scientific and social consensus that evolves and is subject to the vicissitudes of social change ( Gergen, 1985, 2001). To use postmodernist understanding of scientific knowledge, such a debate on classification concerns the social construction of mental disorder-what we as a society and as scientists agree are abnormal behaviors, cognitions, and emotions. It can be answered by debating which behaviors, cognitions, or emotions should be considered indicators of a mental disorder ( American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The question of whether homosexuality should be considered a mental disorder is a question about classification. The debated scientific question was, Is homosexuality a mental disorder? The operationalized research question that pervaded the debate was, Do homosexuals have high prevalences of mental disorders? But the research did not accurately operationalize the scientific question. A retrospective analysis would suggest that the attempt to find a scientific answer in that debate rested on flawed logic. However, a fresh look at the issues should make it clear that whether LGB populations have higher prevalences of mental disorders is unrelated to the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder. This heritage has tainted discussion on mental health of lesbians and gay men by associating-even equating-claims that LGB people have higher prevalences of mental disorders than heterosexual people with the historical antigay stance and the stigmatization of LGB persons ( Bailey, 1999).
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Although the debate on classification ended in 1973 with the removal of homosexuality from the second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ( DSM American Psychiatric Association, 1973), its heritage has lasted. That debate posited a gay-affirmative perspective, which sought to declassify homosexuality, against a conservative perspective, which sought to retain the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder ( Bayer, 1981). Then in 2017, a coroner ruled Johnson fell "as a result of actual or threatened violence by unidentified persons who attacked him because they perceived him to be homosexual".The study of mental health of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations has been complicated by the debate on the classification of homosexuality as a mental disorder during the 1960s and early 1970s. White's lawyers have appealed against his conviction and hope he will be acquitted of the murder charge in a jury trial.Ī coroner had ruled in 1989 that Johnson had taken his own life, while a second coroner in 2012 could not explain how he died. White had a record of violent crime before and after the murder but had not committed an offence since 2008. He said: "We didn't get compensation for Scott this week but what Scott got was dignity." Mr Johnson's brother, Steve Johnson, thanked prosecutors and the judicial system for ensuring White was sent to prison. "In those seconds when he must have realised what was happening to him, Dr Johnson must have been terrified," Wilson added. "The offender hit Dr Johnson, causing him to stumble backwards and leave the cliff edge," the judge said. White must serve at least eight years and three months in prison before he can be considered for parole. Justice Wilson said it was not possible to draw any conclusions beyond a reasonable doubt about what had happened at the clifftop. White told police that he was himself gay and was frightened that his homophobic brother would find out.
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She told the court on Monday that her husband had told her Johnson had run off the cliff. Image: Brother of murder victim Scott Johnson, Steve Johnson (right), with his sisters, Terry (left) and Rebecca and his wife Rosemarie (second right).